Press statement – July 8, 2021 – UMA
Unyon ng mga Manggagawa sa Agrikultura (UMA – Federation of Agricultural Workers) stands with the sugar workers of Isabela in denouncing the Philippine Army’s fake “Community Support Program” in Sta. Maria. State armed forces, particularly the 5th Infantry Division, have militarized the civilian community with house-to-house harassment, redtagging, and union-busting under the guise of peace-keeping, serving the interests of labor rights-violator Martin Lorenzo of Green Future Innovations, Inc. (GFII).
“The local sugar workers are correct in saying that CSP stands for ‘Community Suppression Program.’ It is Lorenzo’s violent greed that enjoys the military’s support, not the community’s needs,” declared UMA chairperson Antonio “Ka Tonying” Flores. “The 5th ID has brazenly accused members of UMA – Isabela of being affiliated with the New People’s Army (NPA). Such fascists wish to make money off the workers’ vilification and arrest, if not murder. This is union-busting of the most vicious kind, and it tramples on the internationally regarded right to association.”
FAKE SURRENDER, GENUINE RESISTANCE
In a show of force that violates International Humanitarian Law, soldiers have been encamped in the barangay hall of Brgy. San Antonio since June 7. This was followed by Sta. Maria police’s interrogation of local UMA leaders regarding relief operations conducted by the labor federation to assist victims of Typhoon Ulysses late last year; the policemen went as far as forbidding the workers from joining UMA’s activities. Then beginning June 14, soldiers of the 95th Infantry Battalion, led by a certain Lt. Erwin Babas, went house to house to profile members of the local UMA chapter, slander the federation, and threaten the sugar workers.
Military harassment peaked on June 20 when soldiers staged a gathering in Brgy. Calamagui North in a ploy to frame civilian sugar workers as armed revolutionaries of the NPA, then claim credit for their supposed surrender. As early as June 18, state forces had demanded local UMA leaders to appear on the scheduled face-off as a chance to clear their names and disaffiliate with UMA, as if UMA were an underground or even criminal organization. Then on the morning of the date itself, Lt. Babas threatened UMA leader Dominga Aberion that the workers’ absence at the gathering would be read as proof of their affiliation with the NPA.
To the ire of the military, none of the workers appeared on the 20th, in spite of Lt. Babas’ threat. Their failure to stage a fake surrender forced the soldiers to return a week later and demand an explanation from the sugar workers. The soldiers even rebuked them for their complaints online about military harassment, as if union-busting were an acceptable norm. The local UMA chapter only continued to assert their legitimacy, explaining that they were duly recognized by the Department of Labor and Employment, and engaged only in righteous struggles in advance of their rights as sugar workers.
FAKE SUPPORT, GENUINE GRIEVANCES
“CSP is an insult to sugar workers with real and pressing concerns about job insecurity, low wages, and lack of social protections. In spite of their honest work and legitimate organization, the fascists can only respond with the dishonesty of fake support and baseless slander,” lamented Ka Tonying. “Had the S in CSP genuinely been ‘support,’ it would have goaded authorities to look into the mass layoff conducted by Lorenzo and the below-minimum pay received by workers for 12-16 hours of back-breaking work. But instead of serving the people, the army would rather serve Lorenzo as his private goons in suppressing his workers’ dissent.”
CSP is a counter-insurgency measure advanced by Executive Order 70 (EO70) as well as the National Task Force to End the Local Communist Armed Conflict (NTF-ELCAC). In tandem with the Enhanced Comprehensive Local Integration Program (E-CLIP), it receives state funding to purportedly help address the roots of armed conflict, providing livelihoods that address poverty in the countryside while facilitating the surrender of armed revolutionaries to re-integrate them into civilian life. But its history is marred with consistent anecdotes of illegal arrests, groundless accusations, and relentless attacks on civilians, thwarting its own purpose.
“The beneficiaries of CSP and E-CLIP are not the rural poor but the fascists,” groaned Ka Tonying. “Army units receive monetary rewards for dismantling guerrilla fronts, even if these fronts exist only in their minds. They fantasize that the arrest or surrender of civilians they’ve framed as red fighters will lend credibility to the government’s deadly counter-insurgency program, earning the fascist regime the approval of imperialists who are more than happy to bust unions, silence workers, and suppress the peasant and labor movements to protect their investments at our expense.”
According to UMA, the fact that military personnel made a lucrative enterprise out of union-busting proved that rural communities must be demilitarized. It also pointed to the bankruptcy of EO70, as well as that of the NTF-ELCAC, which wastes state resources on attacking civilian peasants and workers. This further underscored the urgency of UMA’s complaint last June to the International Labor Organization that the Duterte regime was involved in grave violations of labor rights, particularly the right to association. Duterte’s peasant death toll of 336—among them 27 agricultural workers—testified to the necessity of ousting him from power.
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For reference:
Gi Estrada – Media Officer – 09179450552